Yemen Monitor / Special Report:
After a year and two months of being tasked with forming a government he never completed, the resignation of Prime Minister Ahmed Awad bin Mubarak and the appointment of Salem Saleh bin Buraik as his successor signals a clear indication of the political deadlock within the legitimate government and exposes the fragility and failure of the ruling system in managing the current phase.
This move comes amid escalating criticism of the government’s performance. The current failure is not seen as a temporary situation, but rather as an inherent feature of the governance structure itself — from the Presidential Leadership Council down to the executive state institutions.
Observers believe that the current crisis represents a direct reflection of the chronic state of collapse in the governance system, more than being the result of individual policies or temporary errors.
Bin Mubarak’s resignation came amid growing public resentment due to the continued collapse of the national currency to unprecedented levels and a severe breakdown in public services, such as electricity. The Yemeni rial has lost over 100% of its value since the formation of the Presidential Leadership Council in April 2022, with the dollar now reaching approximately 2,600 rials for the first time in history.
Between the Will to Change and Decision Paralysis
In a scene that repeats itself whenever crises peak, the ruling authority returns to the card of “changing the prime minister” — a move meant to appear as a response to internal pressures and public anger. However, in the absence of genuine and comprehensive reforms within the ruling structure, this change raises legitimate questions: Are we witnessing a serious attempt to resolve the country’s longstanding crises? Or is this merely a reshuffling within a fundamentally failed system, incapable of exercising sovereign decision-making outside of external influence and regional power struggles?
Despite the anticipation surrounding the change, many analysts believe this step will not be enough to break the deepening impasse. Speaking to Yemen Monitor, political analyst Fahd Al-Saif said the prime minister’s replacement may only serve as a temporary measure aimed at relieving pressure on the Presidential Leadership Council, which faces mounting accusations of incompetence and failure in state management.
Al-Saif asserts that the core problem lies not in the individual heading the government, but in the nature of the Presidential Leadership Council itself — as the highest authority where interests and powers are in constant conflict, negatively impacting the government’s effectiveness.
He adds: “The revolving door of names without real structural change or governance reform deepens public perception of the futility of such appointments, and reflects a structural inability to produce an executive authority capable of pulling the country out of its worsening crises.”
Al-Saif also argues that the Southern Transitional Council (STC), one of the key components of the Presidential Leadership Council, plays a disruptive role, using its tools and capabilities to block or even prevent government decisions, especially in areas under its influence.
Given this reality, the government — according to Al-Saif — appears to be a “symbolic authority,” lacking real executive power amid the fragmentation of power centers within the state and the transformation of institutions into instruments controlled by political and military actors.
Another Illusion…
Amid the worsening living and service conditions in the areas controlled by the legitimate government, and the absence of any indications of near improvement, questions are renewed about the usefulness of the change in the head of government, amid escalating accusations of a comprehensive failure of the legitimacy system, starting from the Presidential Leadership Council to the government that was formed according to a partisan quota system that does not take into account the criteria of competence and integrity, which many consider a major reason for the continued collapse.
Academic and political researcher Dr. Suhail Rajeh told Yemen Monitor that changing the prime minister does not represent a real solution, but rather “another illusion.” He emphasizes that the core issue lies not with individuals but with the absence of sovereign decision-making and genuine political will to govern the state.
He points out that citizens today suffer from a complete lack of services and currency devaluation due to the suspension of oil and gas exports, stalled investments, and the paralysis of ports, airports, and refineries — all while most officials live abroad.
According to Rajeh, successive governments have failed to bring about any tangible change because the political environment in which they operate is corrupt, driven by narrow interests and foreign interference. He argues the current government lacks autonomy, and the problem goes deeper than changing the prime minister — the Presidential Leadership Council’s performance has accumulated disappointment among the population. The longer this continues, the wider the poverty gap grows, corruption spreads, and internal contradictions deepen.
He stresses that even a well-intentioned prime minister is powerless to enact change under such chaos and lack of hierarchy within the state. Dr. Rajeh points to the succession of three prime ministers without any noticeable improvement, each overseeing a worsening economic collapse and a plummeting local currency. This reflects a structural failure unrelated to individuals, but rather to the absence of a clear vision for governance and the lack of an effective role for the Presidential Leadership Council in guiding the executive authority and assuming full responsibility.
Dr. Suhail Rajeh calls for the formation of a small technocratic war-time government that would operate as an emergency task force, governed by a unified vision and clear powers. He warns that continuing the logic of political quotas will only lead to more failure and division, and will hand the Houthis more justification for their narrative that legitimacy lives in hotels while the people die of hunger.
Rajah proposes a vision for resolving the crisis, which is represented in effective support from neighboring countries that is not limited to food baskets, but extends to development projects and the re-export of oil and gas, in a project similar to the “Marshall Plan” that saved Europe after World War II.
He concludes by affirming that Yemen needs real statesmen who prioritize the interests of the people over personal gain, and a unified government with actual powers subject to parliamentary oversight, supported by real domestic and international will to save what remains of the state — before the country is lost amid the chaos of regional interests and rivalries.
